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This material © The Northern Review and Peter Jull, 1997 and earlier.
Reproduction of this document is permitted provided this notice remains
intact. The Northern Review would like to be informed of any large volume
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Review.
Dreaming in Black and White: An Australian Northern Policy -
Comments on Towards the Development of A Northern Australia Social
Justice Strategy,
Final Report, Darwin 1994
by Peter Jull
(The Northern Review #12/13 (Summer/Winter 1994): 207-219)
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During a lengthy strategy session of Inuit leaders one day in the
1980s, a public statement by a non-Inuit cabinet minister in the
Northwest Territories was brought into the room and read. The
statement-I forget the subject-caused general dismay. In his usual
understated way, Charlie Watt, who was chairing the meeting, remarked
of the minister, "His trouble is that he's always dreaming in black
and white."
Nobody could accuse the Australian federal (Commonwealth) government
of "dreaming in technicolour" with its first major Northern policy
statement. The weasel words of the title, Towards the Development of.
. ., may be apologies after the fact for what is certainly a
disappointing document. In another tell-tale sign, the undated one-
and-a-half page press release from the Deputy Prime Minister
accompanying the report says,The Government has also decided that the
report should be referred to relevant Commonwealth agencies as an
important reference and guide to developing policies on Northern
Australia (emphasis added).
Government agencies in Australia are no more receptive than their
counterparts anywhere else in regard to bright ideas urged on them by
outsiders, needless to say. The report may already be so much waste
paper.
The report does not really deal with social justice, but rather with
the methods of the pencil sharpeners of the social justice industry.
It assumes that officials already know the problems and have adopted
the proper policies and programs; all that remains is to tidy away
various nuisances and difficulties so that the sun of progressive
policy may shine full on the North.
In this sense, the whole effort is reminiscent of the mid-1980s in
Canada when political will and vision had failed in respect of
northern policy (Jull 1989; Robertson 1988). However, in Canada that
epoch represented a lapse, a period in which northern policy was by
no means the only public policy left adrift, but fortunately, there
were already positive elements well-established. For instance, there
were de facto and de jure constitutional processes underway with
regard to the North, e.g., the northern claims negotiations and the
national constitutional review; well-established wholly-elected
territorial government responsible for that 40 percent of the
national land that was the federal North; ample funding under the
direct control of northern residents; the long-standing existence of
a national Northern Affairs department in Ottawa and a clear sense
that Northern Policies were "a good thing"; a visibly proceeding
reduction in the extreme inter-regional and inter-ethnic social
disparities in the North; the rights of indigenous peoples recognised
in law in a general way by Calder and much in evidence in federal and
territorial government programming; strong indigenous political
associations recognised by governments as authoritative interlocutors
in political debate, in addition to indigenous members and ministers
in the territorial legislatures; an acceptance of comprehensive
policy planning in respect of Northern lands, seas, and development
activity; and national media and other institutions accustomed to
including Northern indigenous and non-indigenous agendas and
participation in their work. In Australia today the only one of those
factors apparent is the 1992 Mabo decision that recognises that
native title may continue to exist in parts of North Australia, a
court ruling and policy framework resisted by all three sub-national
jurisdictions for North Australia, e.g., Western Australia, Northern
Territory, and Queensland in descending order of vehemence.
Familiar to Canadians from an earlier era may be a Northern Territory
(NT) government, whose capital is Darwin, with a reputation for
confrontationist approaches to Aboriginal rights in particular and
Aboriginal relations in general; and two huge hinterland resource
states, WA and Queensland, whose vision of the North is centred on
resource development, whose historical approach to indigenous peoples
has been lamentable, and whose present relation, although ingenuously
ballyhooed by both state governments, are viewed by indigenous
communities as deplorable.
On the other hand, the Australian North has a federal senator
(elected) in the inner Cabinet in Canberra, and a junior minister who
is MP for the Northern Territory. The North is a much-publicised and
much-visited region of striking landscapes and continuing Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander traditions,and is easily accessible by
year-round paved highways as well as affordable air travel with no
end of high-quality tourist facilities, including fine dining. The
North and the Outback generally-and there is no easy way to define
the Australian North by latitude any more than the North in
Canada-play a large part in the defining imagery of Australian life,
not least in the mass media.
At the end of 1991, an Office of Northern Development (OND) was
created within the federal Prime Minister's department, based in
Darwin and headed by a "deputy minister" (Australian secretary). The
new Prime Minister, Paul Keating, had been briefly styled Northern
Affairs minister in the dying days of the Whitlam government in 1975.
OND was given reporting functions on a range of matters, a research
role, and the job of coordinating the North Australian Social Justice
Strategy.
Even before the Northern Social Justice Program got going-and it is
important not to confuse it with the entirely separate Aboriginal
Social Justice Package now (November 1994) being developed under the
auspices of the federal government, or the federal Aboriginal Social
Justice Commission that is separate from both preceding processes
again-there were those of us researching and writing on public policy
in the North who were urging a wide socio-political context for the
policy review. There were briefs, letters, and documents sent to
concerned officials, and face-to-face contacts with policy officials
and ministers.
This urging included aspects of Australian experience in relation to
the Canadian North, together with an active program at the North
Australia Research Unit (NARU) in Darwin to bring specialists on
Northern North America and Northern Europe to Northern Australia to
share their experience and take some Australian experience back to
those Northlands (e.g., Coates 1991; Jull 1991; Loveday 1991). That
attempt to provide a wider context at the preliminary stage of the
project appears to have had no impact.
Instead, the Final Report is a checklist of suggestions, many or most
from within the federal bureaucratic system itself, and some
officious strategies for dealing with them, for some administrative
smoothing. One can imagine how Canadians would react to an Ottawa
project with a grandiose title like Social Justice that involved some
high-flyers from Retrograde-on-the-Rideau flying out to visit
regional staff and then issuing a report on the wisdom there
unearthed, all within a tight administrative framework. The only
thing that would save such a government from sure and massive defeat
in the region would be to have enough of the five-year political term
left that the locals might be distracted by a little war or big
economic upturns and forget the whole thing.
Even by its own terms-relating things to existing official
processes-the Report must be deemed a bizarre failure. There is no
mention of the several strands of constitutional review going on,
even though these have major implications for the region. The
political agendas of regionally-organised indigenous self-government
and resource management rights of land and sea
are ignored, although the one unquiet corner of the report may be
said to be the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander section, in
which one detects indigenous autonomies struggling to be born. The
much-trumpeted work on the economic relations of Australia with South-
East Asia via Darwin, a subject of no end of fantasy and high-level
dining events, is ignored. The desperate plight of the indigenous
peoples and the non-indigenous of country properties and towns in
relation to the frameworks and processes of government and
administration, and the failure of the political systems of Australia
in these areas, a shill cry in the news, daily, is all but ignored
(or reformulated into a non-problem of official processes with the
fragments of problems being dealt with in official dossiers). The
ravages of modern Australian land use that has savaged souls and seas
and would alone qualify for a total comprehensive rethink of the
whole basis of society and its future in the North is not here. The
question of marine management is ignored. In other words, the major
determinants of the big social picture for North Australia are
missing, in some cases entirely unacknowledged. The result is not
Northern policy; it is a sort of collective crossword puzzle bee in
the staff tea-room.
However, it is difficult to imagine how the result could have been
any different in the absence of organising concepts or a coherent
view of the unique regional imperatives of the North. As in Canada,
the North in Australia is, for the non-indigenous, residual matter
from the which nation-building may occur. There is a sort of violent
assumption that it can be subdued and then assimilated. The North is
not "the North" so much as it is "the not-South," a vacuum to be
filled by and from the South. The dawning possibility that a whole
different species of entity might be involved here came late in
Canada, and would not have come at all without trans-boundary Inuit
populations and practical mutual awareness in a variety of similarly-
governed countries with similar values and similar or even
overlapping Northern policydilemmas. Australia does not yet have such
a sense, despite Melanesian contacts between Torres Strait and areas
outside Australia, and a growing awareness that Outback Australia has
something in common with Northern North America.
* *
It may be useful to convey a flavour of the Report. It begins with an
Executive Summary. The first sentence tells us thatThe commitment to
develop a North Australia Social Justice Strategy (NASJS) was
announced by the Commonwealth Government in August 1991 as part of
its overall approach to addressing locational disadvantage (emphasis
added).
Is this Orwellian term that could describe, say, the Highland
Clearances? The daily news in Australia is full of towns collapsing
and long-time farming families driven from the land by drought and
public policy, with many rural people regarding rural and remote
areas policy as positively hostile. As for the Aborigines and Torres
Strait Islanders, it is unlikely that they regard their homes of
thousands of years as disadvantageous.
The Report summary goes on to say that its authors' work involved
gathering input from Government, non-Government and community
representatives involved in service delivery, planning and policy
development at selected locations. . . .
In the most important perception in the Report, the third summary
paragraph says in part,The issues and strategies identified
throughout the consultation phase consistently emphasise the
inappropriateness of centrally controlled, urban based delivery
models for many areas throughout northern Australia.
The tragedy is that administrative tinkering is the solution offered,
whereas political reform and policy frameworks are needed.
In the fourth paragraph we read that the report identifies a number
of innovative models and approaches that have emerged in order to
overcome various impediments to effective service delivery.
To the extent that Australia has any national Northern policy, this
theme of overcoming impediments to national program effectiveness is
it. Based on my own researches, conversations, and monitoring of
current affairs, it was the theme heard long before, in the lead-up
to and during the work of producing the Report. It always risks being
seen as an imperial vision, impatient of actual conditions and
diverse aspirations on the ground.
A brief survey chapter begins,North Australia is defined as the land
area north of the 26th parallel, half the Australian continent.
Within this land mass there is considerable natural diversity. Six
agro-ecological regions have been identified ranging from the wet/dry
tropics to subtropical plainlands and the arid interior. Such
variations, combined with their associated weather and climatic
conditions, influence social life styles, economic activities and
settlement patterns.
Here again we find some important insight, but one all too lacking in
the shaping of the Report: The impact of pastoral, agricultural and
mining enterprises significantly altered the land and water systems,
marginalised indigenous peoples and shaped the socio-economic changes
brought about by government and non-government action and policies.
The history of northern development has been portrayed as the
struggle to tame distance and harsh conditions, cope with the
climate, extract the resources, and overcome past failures in
assisting Aboriginal social and economic development. The legacy of
these events continues to shape northern Australiatoday-the
isolation, sparseness of population, feelings of powerlessness
arising from inadequate political weight and remoteness, and the
instability of settlements due to shifting populations.
A large section of the Report consists of lists of complaints and
problems over a wide range of policy areas followed by lists of
potential remedies. Such tabulated and unmediated approaches to
public policy may be superficially democratic, but they do not always
provide a very coherent or manageable outcome.
One subject category is "Ethnic People." I didn't know there were any
other kind. Of course, Canada's Indian Act says that a person is
anyone who is not an Indian, so these things can be troubling. In the
1960s, a Canadian anthropologist pointed out to me that the National
Museum of Man (as it then was) divided Canadian society into its own
three-fold organisation: History (the past of the French and
British); Ethnology (the past of Indians and Inuit); and Folklore
(the past of everyone else). In Australia the problem may be more
intriguing: some indigenous peoples reportedly thought the European
settlers were ghosts. It will be plain why I am anxious to establish
my own ethnic personality or person-ness lest I fall through the
cracks, although identity is not easy-disons a sort of hillbilly kind
of Hiberno-Algonkian Jute by way of the Canadian backwoods and
Massachusetts Bay Colony, born into a world empire on which the sun
never set. I think I must really be an ethnic person, however,
because I pronounce the letter "R" when speaking. (In these parts it
was "the new world odour" that president Bush ushered in.)
* *
What would a Northern policy document look like in Australia? It
could take various forms, but there might be a number of foreseeable
elements. Most of what appears in the present Report would be placed
in appendices, however.
A northern policy discussion draft would begin with the world. The
location of North Australia and its sparse population in relation to
the large populations, markets, and potential allies and threats to
the North would be considered. There are many immediate issues here,
including tourism that is benefitting from Asian visitors, the
infrastructure for defence, and various low-level security issues
(which are already troublesome) facing Torres Strait Islanders vis-à-
vis Papua New Guinea and Indonesia.
The other important world element for policy is the role of North
Australia as (1) the only "first world" country in the world's
tropics, and (2) a "first world" hinterland having, in most respects,
a close parallel with Alaska, the provincial and territorial North in
Canada, Greenland (whose premier recently visited Torres Strait and
Far North Queensland), the Faeroes, Northern Scandinavia, and, as a
would-be "first world" country with much experience both good and bad
in northern policy, Russia. In the first case, Australia might use
northern development as a foreign relations tool for improving
relations with tropical countries in its own region and farther
afield, e. g., by sharing socio-economic and environmental program
expertise with developing countries. In the second case, the sort of
networking and comparative research begun in past years at the North
Australia Research Unit, Darwin, with Northern hemisphere countries
should be expanded, with special attention to indigenous socio-
politics, environmental and resource management, and Northern policy
as a whole.
The next area for review in a possible Northern Policy paper would be
a clear look at the layering of peoples, institutions, and political
dynamics in the North. That is, there are the indigenous territories
as the first layer, with their environmental and economic traditions,
followed by the white settlers and their reorganisation of land use,
followed by Asian and Pacific minorities who remain visible in parts
of the North, and now overlaid by the new industrial and post-
industrial Australia. The environmental and other implications of
these changes remain important, the more so as one thing agreed by
all rational observers is that choices in land and water use by
settler populations have had major impacts, including some ser iously
adverse impacts, over large areas. A study like Robert Bone's
geography (1992) of northern Canada would be useful.
A policy paper would then go on to the six major current
constitutional issues.
1) The regional disaffection of Queensland,
WA, and the Northern Territory both separately and together represent
a major threat to the future of Australia and Australian society. If
national policies are going to be held hostage to states rights,
which sometimes seem to be no more that the regional bloody-
mindedness of obstructing national proposals, Australia may be unable
to progress or someday even withstandinternational scrutiny on such
issues as indigenous policy. States rights and regionalism must be
taken seriously as strategic political issues, ones that go far
beyond partisan politics. This does not imply crushing regional
dissent, and besides, disaffection is rarely cured by imposing one's
will. Indeed, this issue may be the largest Northern Policy challenge
to be faced. Australia's public officials and political scientists
may not yet have addressed it in their thinking except through some
descriptive work, and they may benefit from sharing ideas with
overseas colleagues, including Canadians. Needed are not flippant
experts on foreign geo-politics, but perceptive and existentially
engaged persons committed to positive and national socio-political
outcomes in Australia.
(2) Specific political institutions for such regions as the Northern
Territory and Torres Strait will have to be arrived at, perhaps in
the former case by complex negotiations. This has happened in
Northern Canada, an experience particularly relevant to North
Australia (Jull 1994). Like the indigenous peoples of Canada's NWT
surveyed in 1980, many Aborigines do not accept the legitimacy of
existing NT governing arrangements (Jull 1992). Items 3 and 4 below,
may generate further issues at this level of politico-constitutional
reform.
(3) The regional and local organisation of service delivery,
autonomy, and self-governing authority in the Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander communities is the key to achieving any reasonable
social outcomes there (Leas & Wolfe 1993; Jull et al., 1994; Fletcher
1994). As Canadians may not know, Australian Aboriginal peoples are
many and diverse in language, history, and customs, often having
complex and long-established inter-group relations protocols and
multi-lingual skills. Although a political quest is now occurring at
local and regional levels in the indigenous community in
many parts of North Australia, including a strong interest in
"regional agreements" that draw some of their inspiration from the
positive features of Northern Canada's comprehensive claims
settlements, there is uneasiness and resistance from within sections
of the indigenous affairs administration. Some officials simply fear
for their job futures.
(4) The adequacy, relevance, and/or existence of the structures of
local politics, policy, and administration are an issue in many parts
of the North. The rationalisation (i.e., closing) of facilities and
services has heightened the feeling of many people that they are
being left out of or are being abandoned by Australia's mainstream.
(5) The fiscal and administrative aspects of inter-governmental
relations, including questions that have become very heated about the
pros and cons of state/territory disbursement of federal funds for
indigenous communities, would have to be dealt with. As seen in the
Report, Australian policy-makers have a particular aptitude for and
focus on engine room mechanics, if not enough on ship design.
(6) A mood and a movement of national assertiveness in matters of
identity, culture, and public institutions is growing in Australia.
The difficulty it poses for the Opposition coalition of Liberal and
National parties in Canberra is an example of its potency and
breadth. Some Opposition leaders make the mistake of viewing this as
a Labor or even Keating conspiracy, rather like Conservatives
sometimes regarded 20th century Canada as a Liberal plot whereas in
fact it was only the changing times to which long-lived Liberals more
adroitly trimmed their sails. What this national development bodes in
Australia is unclear, but the fact that there is a genuine social and
cultural movement underpinning the various groups organised to study
or propose change, most importantly the Constitutional Centenary
Foundation that is the main forum for national constitutional review,
means that there will be much need for practical discussion in North
Australia as everywhere else. This could, of course, be a useful
opportunity for developing a national Northern Agenda or Northern
Policy.
Everything that has been discussed so far would form the first
chapters and necessary political context for all the rest. There is
much fine work by Australian scholars on social matters (as evidenced
in the Northern Social Justice Report itself) and the economy,
although the important new work by Greg Crough and his colleagues in
recent years on the realities as opposed to the prejudices about the
Abor iginal role in the economy must be brought to bear (Crough &
Pritchard 1991; Crough et al., 1989; Crough 1993; and Crough &
Christopherson 1993). This would form the next section, together with
demography, to provide an overview.
Next might be a chapter on planning. Although most people gathering
on environmental issues agree that comprehensive planning and
monitoring are urgently needed, there is a lack of political will to
consider such options as they are somehow seen to be un-Australian.
One thinks of how Canadian centreor left-of-centre governments feared
to consider co-operatives in Inuit areas lest these appear "com
munist," until an incoming Prairie Tory minister in a new government
took the plunge and provided the North with one of its success
stories. There is already, and must be, considerable planning in the
North. Making it more explicit and open to discussion could have
benefits.
From that point a Northern policy document might follow a variety of
paths, but without such a "big picture" context it will be impossible
to guide or propose any successful action. Fragmentation of policy
and process, to which the Report contributes, is one of the
fundamental problems in North Australia. Furthermore, Australia now
treats its North as a place to be administered from the centre, but
what is needed is the recognition and accommodation of the politics
of the periphery.
* *
Unlike some Canadians, I knew what I was voting for in the
Trudeaumania election of 1968. At the end of May, Prime Minister
Trudeau, newly chosen head of the governing Liberal party, brought
his election campaign to Yellowknife. In the long northern evening he
held a meeting in a packed school auditorium. There was an Indian
chief and the chief's wife on the platform for ceremonial purposes,
but in the audience I counted only one Indian or Métis among the
hundreds of Whites. Living and working there as an assistant head of
government, I had an unusually good overview of northern issues, the
more so as I travelled frequently to take notes at interminable
community meetings and to discuss problems, programs, and policies
with public officials of all levels and functions throughout the
Northwest Territories.
That evening, the long-time Northern Affairs minister spoke, his
usual booster pitch about resource development. Trudeau then spoke.
He repudiated the entire past Northern policy of Canada implicitly
and made it clear that northern society, notably indigenous society
and northern culture and political development, were to be his
priorities. I voted enthusiastically for the local Liberal MP, Bud
Orange, who won an easy victory.
Of course, in policy and politics, nothing is as it seems. Arthur
Laing may have been easy to caricature for his resource development
mania, but as minister he had secured more funds and given more
political support for northern social, cultural, and community needs
than anyone before him. A How Ottawa Spends-style review of his term
in office would not have found him hard-hearted. Unusually, even in
the presence of the news media on public ceremonial occasions, he
open-handedly praised the policies of his Tory predecessors, notably
Alvin Hamilton, and claimed to be doing no more than continuing the
effective and humane policies begun by Hamilton. Trudeau, for his
part, did live up to his commitments-commitments that must have
seemed like a pail of cold water to many in the virtually whites-only
crowd in Yellowknife school that May night. He was also converted to
indigenous land rights by the Calder decision of 1973 and to Nunavut
in late 1982 by the tolerance and moderation of the Inuit leaders.
His evolution as a thinker on indigenous politico-constitutional
issues continued, and clearly the subject was one that absorbed more
and more of his interest and creative energies until his last hours
in office in June 1984. The new generation of engaged Canadian whites
who emerged in and for the North in the 1970s may remember only the
resource mega-projects and pipeline proposals of the Trudeau era but
rapid evolution was underway in all areas of indigenous policy,
presided over by Trudeau himself and by senior ministers.
Nevertheless, looking back one can see that the central dynamic in
Canada's northern policy since the 1960s has been the rise of a new
indigenous politics whose focus was rewriting the relationship bet
ween the Inuit, Indians, and Métis and the governments controlled by
non-indigenous Northern settlers and Southern public. Even the
environmental movement, so powerful and visible itself, was largely
shaped by and focussed on indigenous interests in the North. Inuit
and other Northern peoples had become the Northern agenda- and pace-
setters as a fact of Canadian political life long before they
achieved the sort of influence and direct responsibilities they
themselves recognised as real achievements. Where they lacked
political control of Northern policies they often had a sort of
political veto, and governments and interest groups had to renew and
remake their policies to suit.
Any Canadian visiting the Northern half of Australia today-the
Northern Territory and the northern halves of Western Australia and
Queensland-will find the political and race relations scene re
markably like northern Canada in the mid-1970s. The failure of this
federal Report to recognise the fundamental social importance and
transforming power of constitutional and governance issues, the
environment, and indigenous socio-political aspirations, or to
conceptualise the elements of change and continuity in North
Australia, renders it mere jottings in the public policy margin. As
urbane Ethiopians were wont to say of the political situation after
the fall of Haile Selassie, "The tip of the iceberg is still below
water."
References
Bone, R. M., 1992. The Geography of the Canadian North: Issues and
Challenges. Toronto: Oxford University Press.
Coates, K., 1991. "Yukon and Northwest Territories: The Emerging
North of Native and Non-Native Societies." In Jull and Roberts 1991:
147-182.
Crough, G. and Christopherson, C., 1993. Aboriginal People in the
Economy of the Kimberley Region. Darwin: Australian National
University North Australia Research Unit.
Crough, G. and Pritchard, W., 1991. Infrastructure Provision in
Remote Communities in the Northern Territory. Revised edition. Report
prepared for the Central Land Council. Sydney: University of Sydney,
Department of Geography.
Crough, G. et al., 1989. Aboriginal Economic Development in Central
Australia. Report for the Combined Aboriginal Organisations of Alice
Springs, NT.
Crough, G. 1993. Visible and Invisible: Aboriginal People in the
Economy of Northern Australia. Darwin: Australian National University
North Australia Research Unit.
Fletcher, C. ed., 1994. Aboriginal Self-Determination in Australia.
Report Series, Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander Studies. Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press.
Gray, R., Lea, D., and Roberts, S., eds., 1994. Constitutional Change
in the 1990s. Darwin: Northern Territory Legislative Assembly
Sessional Committee on Constitutional Development and Australian
National University North Australia Research Unit.
Jull, P., and Roberts S., eds. 1991. The Challenge of Northern
Regions. Darwin: Australian National University North Australia
Research Unit.
Jull, P., 1989. "Take the North Seriously." Policy Options, Vol. 7,
No. 7 (September): 7-11.
Jull, P., 1991. The Politics of Northern Frontiers. Darwin:
Australian National University North Australia Research Unit.
Jull, P., 1992. An Aboriginal Northern Territory: Creating Canada's
Nunavut. Discussion Paper #9. Darwin: Australian National University
North Australia Research Unit.
Jull, P., 1994. "Emerging Northern Territory Constitutions in Canada:
National Policy, Settler Hegemony, Aboriginal Ethno-Politics, and
Systems of Governance." In Gray, Lea and Roberts 1994: 94-116.
Jull, P., Mulrennan, M., Sullivan, M., Cough, G., and Lea, D., eds.,
1994. Surviving Columbus: Indigenous Peoples, Political Reform and
Environmental Management in North Australia. Darwin: Australian
National University North Australia Research Unit.
Lea, D., and Wolfe, J., 1993. Community Development Planning and
Aboriginal Community Control. Discussion Paper No. 14. Darwin:
Australian National University North Australia Research Unit.
Loveday, P., 1991. "Australia's Northern Territory and Canadian
Territories: Constitutional and Political Development." In Jull and
Roberts 1991: 17-30.
Robertson, R. G. et al., 1988. The North and Canada's International
Relations. Toronto and Ottawa: Canadian Institute of International
Affairs and Canadian Arctic Resources Committee.
Peter Jull
Brisbane, Australia
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-----This material (c) The Northern Review and Peter Jull, 1997 and
earlier. Reproduction of this document is permitted provided this
notice remains intact. The Northern Review would like to be informed
of any large volume copying of this document. This material
originally appeared in The Northern Review.
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